[FACT comments: While we’re giving all this coverage to our fugitive PM, let’s give some credit to the woman who cut him down to size, former FACT coordinator, Supinya.]
Supinya Klangnarong, graceful voice of freedom
Absolutely Bangkok: August 26, 2009
http://absolutelybangkok.com/supinya-klangnarong-graceful-voice-of-freedom/
She’s not only a media rights advocate. She’s charmingly attractive, highly intelligent, a true Thai power woman – and many people’s hero, against her will: Supinya Klangnarong, who rose to fame when she got sued by former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s family empire Shin. A hero against her will because there lies a beautiful irony in her fate:
The man, of all people, who tried to destroy her, this very man kind of made her. Thaksin somehow became the most important man in Supinya’s life. “A bitter-sweet experience,” Khun “Kay” told me when we recently sat down for an interview accompanied by hot chocolate and a veggie meal. And not that she bears a grudge, as you’re about to learn. And her take on the reds? And all the hush hush in the land?
Born in 1973, the year of the uprising, the milestone-year for liberty and democracy in Thailand, Supinya Klangnarong holds the vice-chair of the Campaign for Popular Media Reform (CPMR) and is a board member of the Thai Netizen Network. For a backgrounder on Khun Supinya read our earlier story The Truth Be Told.*
You can get further information about Thailand’s Iron Girl on her website www.supinya.com or if you follow her on Twitter. Here’s the interview:
Who are you, Khun Supinya?
(Laughs) I am a Thai woman and interested in politics and media. I believe in policy and structural change – even though I have not studied law. My work involves lobbying and advocating for law and regulation. So basically I am a media advocate interested in the media expression and also freedom of expression in general.
„Media politics“ is a fashionable term these days …
Media politics have created both possibilities and threats. Media in Thailand are very vibrant. The National Telecommunication Commission (NTC) just announced there are more than 5,000 radio stations. We have a range of satellites and many more information outlets. Some of them became a political tool. At a certain point people enjoy more freedom of expression, and there is the freedom of choice. Therefore we also have the challenge that some of the media are politicized and became a political instrument. They went too far and became aggressive. That led to the incitement of violence. While we are fighting for freedom of expression, we also face the new challenges of respect and responsibility. We have to find the lines between freedom, responsibility and different points of view.
Those interests seem to keep you terribly busy. Not easy to get hold of you.
I try to be less busy than before, but my schedule is always occupied by meetings and appointments. I am always involved with journalists, visitors, guests, NGOs, officials and also students for research – and parliamentarians. I am doing public advocating and lobbying work. 2-3 days a week it’s official work from 9 am to 4 pm at parliament and NTC. I’m in a legislative committee, that’s the system in Thailand to first consider a draft. I got appointed by the Democrat Party and have the authority to help drafting the Broadcasting & Telecommunication Regulator Bill (NBCT). It can get frustrating, but I enjoy doing it. You have to learn to compromise. When I was working for an NGO you can be yourself. But when you are drafting a law you decide to make a dialog and follow the rules in a meeting.
But isn’t it this very system of compromises and forward and back that stalls Thailand?
Yeah, but somehow we need to negotiate so that the others also support our stance. That’s a real challenge. Before I did mainly advocacy. But now for the first time I am appointed.
You wanna become a legislator one day and stand elections?
Currently I’m not interested. I like the role of being an MP, but being a politician you have to sacrifice your life …
In Thailand?!
When you are an MP you have to be the representative from your constituency. Normally politicians are busy with their own constituency. They have to attend wedding parties and such, that’s very important. You have to listen 24 hours a day. That’s a little bit too much for me now … And for me as a woman, when you enter politics, I have nothing secret, but being a woman is very difficult to work in the political arena.
Too dirty?
I wouldn’t say that, but too complicated. It’s not easy as a woman. I am just a female activist. I’m not different from other women, but independent and outspoken.
You became famous because of Thaksin.
He changed my life and Thai society.
Could you live without this experience?
Hard to answer … It’s a bitter-sweet experience. This lawsuit gave me so many opportunities. I travel a lot, many people admire me. I am an activist who got so much supported from so many people. That’s very unique. I didn’t expect myself to be a tough media activist, because that isn’t my personality at all. I’m caught in the middle. Which way should I go? This all affects my personal life and relationships. There are the expectations from mother and father. Even though they admire me, my mother is still wanting me to be a model mother. She didn’t have such an adventurous life. That’s something that sometimes creates conflicts. Especially in Thai society that can happen and I feel sad about it. I’m so happy for what I am doing. I’m not a typical Thai daughter … I have to overcome this kind of guilt.
I bet your mother is even more upset about Thaksin for taking her daughter away from the family …
Yes, she and the family are very very supportive of the PAD. I also supported them until the coup.
So early? You realized so early that the coup could be a terrible mistake, even though many were cheering?
The coup shocked me. Why so early? I didn’t expect it. That brought me strong criticism from civil society. They accused me that I am a part of the coup. I didn’t expect that it would end up like this. After the coup happened I wasn’t even sure anymore if it was a good thing to fight Thaksin. We had an authoritarian regime, but I was still not convinced with the red shirts and UDD. Even though I have a personal history with Thaksin, he is the so far (laughs) most important man in my life …
Did you ever meet that man?
No, never. He’s now on Twitter. If I would follow him on Twitter I would ask him the question I have kept for so long in my heart: why did you sue me? At that time I was a nobody. What I said was simple. And his family company sued me for millions of dollars. And they brought themselves in a very bad situation. Why did he pick me? Why did he invest a lot of money in this? Maybe it’s too late for this to ask. It’s my personal curiosity.
You may have contributed to his downfall.
Yes, he was still very powerful. Even Sondhi criticized me back then, Sondhi was still a big fan of Thaksin. But I am happy with one thing. That I was acquitted before and not after the coup. I was acquitted when Thaksin was still in power.
Did the split between Sondhi and Thaksin come as a surprise?
It was about personal issues and ideology. A mixture of it. Sondhi supported Thaksin a lot. But sometimes when people are very close then a conflict can be even stronger.
Thailand today is off worse than under Thaksin?
It’s good that we are facing the reality. Before, when thinking about Thailand, people were thinking about paradise, smiles, beautiful women, food, sea and sand, but there are a lot of problems underneath. Thai people are also unclear about what Thai culture really is. The mess is an alarm for us to look at the reality and who we really are. My point is, a very sensitive issue for example are gender and sexual issues. In Thailand you are not allowed to talk about sexual education or even sexual relations between men and women. In soap operas there is still no kissing. Because the culture ministry says this is not Thai culture … Mainstream media don’t accept that this is a reality. There are many contradictions between reality and Thainess and culture. An even political issues. I believe that without communication, without understanding the reality, it is difficult for us to find a solution. We have so many realities we dare not to talk about. So, there is an opportunity in this mess. It is an alarming point. Especially in this transitional period without our ability to talk openly and freely without fear, a proper solution can not be found.
That’s something newer, this culture of fear.
It’s scary, in the media you don’t hear anything, but of some sensitive issues you can hear more these days, at least on the internet, at least from the taxi driver. Taxi drivers talk about things I never dare to talk about.
So the silent majority is not so silent anymore?
That’s me, the silent majority. And I am not radical. I am not a revolutionary. I am an evolutionist. Many people in Thailand now think about radical change, be it yellow or red. Some 20% of each group are very politically motivated. So we have about 60% moderates. That’s the silent majority. They are silent because of fear. Or because they think it will happen anyway. We are observing what’s going on. And we observe other countries. It’s not that easy to change overnight. I believe in civil education. We need people to take part.
Isn’t it an irony that before you had to fight Thaksin. Now you share similar goals?
Before, under Thaksin, my paradigm was about clean politics. But after the coup we realized politics is not as simple as that. There are so many stakeholders and so many factors. Therefore the idea and concept of change had to emerge. We need to understand the situation more clearly. Everybody has to be informed and then people can make a decision. Even Abhisit and the PAD are talking about change. Everyone sees the need for change. But they have different ideas. Maybe we realize we cannot avoid change. But we don’t know what change is.
Talking of Abhisit, a leader too good to be true?
That’s a better option (laughs) than too bad to be true! I met Abhisit personally – I never met Thaksin. He’s a nice person. He is not the problem. But the way he came to power is for many. That’s why he’s not supported by certain groups. Even though it went along due process … Abhisit has to prove himself. That’s why he has to compromise and listen to different points of view. So he disappoints many. Still, he is not alone, because he is connected to so many groups that made him raise to power. While Thaksin didn’t have to listen to anyone. He consolidated power very well. He has that ability to lead. He made quick decisions and became a popular leader. That doesn’t mean that all was good.
So we have a „nicer,“ but potentially less popular leader now. One can’t get rid of the feeling that Thailand is not even standing still. The country is regressing. Your take?
Even though Thailand is regressing, Thailand is progressing. It’s sad that people had to sacrifice their lives, but again: it is an opportunity. I am still optimistic that Thailand will master the situation. I don’t think civil war will happen. I may be wrong. But the logical idea behind it is because the Thai authorities are still clever enough. As long as people are allowed to express their voices, as long as people are allowed to access information, we will be OK. But if the government implements a tougher stance and blocks access to information … Actually the internet in Thailand is free. People write pretty critical comments online. But once it’s getting too far, then authorities will intervene. By creating a climate of fear and at the same time remaining open, the government doesn’t try to control too much. If civil society would weaken, then the government would try to control more. As long as the media scenario is rather open it will reduce the tension and not lead to civil war. But if the authorities make the wrong decision with tough policies and a propaganda war, that would lead to confrontation. People would be willing to come out. Information and communication are the way to interfere therefore. Not too radically, it’s still all evolving. I don’t think Thailand to ever become a Singapore. Our country is not stabilized, but in terms of the political atmosphere it is rather democratic. You have the military, the Democrat Party, the elite. None of them can assume absolute power, because there are so many stakeholders. Some people think that is not good. Maybe that is not perfect, but a kind of balanced.
Working people complain about increasing hardships.
That’s exactly the point. When I am talking with taxi drivers they say it is so hard to get money. Thaksin at least helped the poor. He gave opportunities. Even though with tax money. People realize that Thaksin was corrupt. But when you are hungry and somebody gives you a meal, you will remember for your whole life. You can say it’s only 200 baht. But you will remember forever.
[FACT comments: The Truth Be Told is finally available on DVD from Extra Virgin— THB 250 http://www.extravirginco.com/dvd-store.html or Mai Meksuwan <mai@extravirginco.com> There are also two book biographies about Supinya in Thai and she’s working on a book of her own.]
*Review: The Truth Be Told: The Cases Against Supinya Klangnarong
Wise Kwai’s Thai Film Journal: September 8, 2007
http://thaifilmjournal.blogspot.com/2007/09/review-truth-be-told-cases-against.html
• Directed by Pimpaka Towira
• An Extra Virgin Production, 100 minutes
• Premiered on September 6, 2007 at the Thai Film Foundation’s Digital Forum
The spirits of pre-coup Thailand are revisited in the new documentary film, The Truth Be Told: The Cases Against Supinya Klangnarong. Directed by Pimpaka Towira, it’s an epic piece of filmmaking, following media-rights activist Supiny on her three-year legal odyssey. It also chronicles Thailand at a turbulent time in its history, from the growing dissatisfaction with prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, and the aftermath of the 2006 coup.
Supinya, an NGO worker, was forced into the glaring spotlights of media celebrity, after she made some comments in 2003 to the Thai Post, saying that the Shinawatra family’s Shin Corporation benefited from the policies of the Thaksin administration. Her opinions must’ve hit too close to the mark for officers of the telecommunications conglomerate, for they filed both a criminal and civil lawsuits against Supinya and the Thai Post. Supinya faced a jail term for her statements. In fact, on the night of the film’s premiere at the Thai Film Foundation’s Digital Forum, Supinya said September 6, 2007, was the four-year anniversary of her being bailed out. The company also sought 400 million baht in damages, because it said Supinya’s comments adversely affected Shin’s stock value and credit rating. But what the company hoped to gain from suing an activist and university lecturer who earns a 14,000-baht monthly salary is unknown. If Shin officials had ignored the statements, they would have been largely forgotten. Now there’s no chance of that happening.
Through the lens of the documentary, the man at the centre of the controversy, Thaksin, is virtually invisible. He’s seen for perhaps 10 seconds in some footage shot at a rally, before his beatific smile and square-faced visage disappears behind a wall of dark-suited supporters. But his name is heard. Repeatedly. “Thaksin! Get out! Thaksin! Get out!” Shouted over and over again by marchers and political rally attendees. There are crude caricatures, even a Chinese opera performance devoted to him. He is everywhere, but never seen.
The focus is on Supinya, and in looking at her, people and issues that have been forgotten are suddenly remembered. The spectre of missing civil rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaichit hangs over the proceedings. And there’s a chance meeting with some Electricity Generating Authority Workers, who have been fighting privatisation of the state-owned utility.
And there’s Supinya’s family, chiefly her mother, who was genuinely fearful that her daughter was going to disappear, after all, Supinya was going up against the most powerful man in Thailand. At times, Supinya’s mother steals the show. I sometimes wonder what it would be like if things were run by concerned mothers, aunties and grannies, rather than men with big-business connections. The films of Apichatpong Weerasethkul feature striking women like this, too. With more character, backbone and charisma than just about any of the latest one-shot, 18-year-old actresses-of-the-week, they give real meaning to the term “leading lady”. I think all the Klangnarongs show up at some point, putting a genuine and heartfelt human face on this story. They’re all really lovely people, and I had to wonder why a big company like the Shin Corp. thought they were so threatening.
In March 2006, Shin, by then controlled Singapore’s Temasek Holdings after a still-controversial stock divestiture by the Shinawatra family, offered to drop the civil suit, if Supinya would apologize for her remarks. But she remained steadfast, to the horror of her mother and others around her – even herself – leaving the case in the hands of the court. Anyway, the criminal court threw out the lawsuit, saying, in effect, Supinya was just doing her job, and that her comments were fair. The civil suit, a moot point, was withdrawn.
But, as anyone who has not been hiding under a rock in Thailand would know, the story didn’t end there. The documentary might’ve been completed sooner, but on September 19, 2006, the Thai military took over while Thaksin was out of the country.
To not address the coup, which changed everything, would have been unsatisfying. So Pimpaka and her crew kept at it, making for a compelling and informative view of Thailand’s political landscape. There are no gimmicks, nor manipulation. No rousing rock music to create atmosphere. This makes the rhythmic cries of “Thaksin! Get out!” that much more powerful. It’s bone-dry at times, yet refreshing, and it jumps around in a non-linear fashion, making things a bit unpredictable, which is a good thing.
For Supinya and the wearied anti-Thaksin protesters, the coup has left many discouraged about the democratic process in Thailand. To oppose the coup is to appear pro-Thaksin. Even though there are many colors when it comes to political stripes, in post-coup Thailand, with the military still in charge, there’s only black and white.
Thank goodness for The Truth Be Told, to add back some color.
